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Political economy of Vermont's anti-fracking movement

Political economy of Vermont’s anti-fracking movement

Explainer of Hall et al. (2020), Journal of Public Finance and Public Choice. Not the journal article.

Citation: Hall, J. C., Scarcioffolo, A. R., & Shakya, S. (2020). The political economy of Vermont’s anti-fracking movement. Journal of Public Finance and Public Choice. Free PDF

Facts

Main finding

Democratic Party affiliation and campaign donation levels were significantly related to voting to ban fracking. Median voter characteristics (poverty, education) showed effects in baseline models that disappeared in robustness checks. Results indicate legislator characteristics, not constituent preferences, primarily drive expressive voting.

One caveat

Vermont’s lack of known gas reserves makes this purely expressive voting context, limiting external validity to instrumental policy decisions. Some median voter effects (poverty, retirement income) became insignificant in robustness checks with interaction terms. Findings specific to symbolic policy results where economic factors may matter less.

Policy hook

Vermont became first US state to ban hydraulic fracturing (Act 152, signed May 12, 2012) despite having zero known natural gas reserves.

Data and setting

Vermont General Assembly voting on H.464/Act 152; 167 legislators (150 House, 30 Senate) from 2010-2012 term. Legislator data from VoteSmart (party, donations, education, birthplace). Median voter characteristics from 2010 American Community Survey at district level (80+ social and economic variables).

Research design (plain language)

Double-selection post-LASSO methodology to handle high-dimensional confounders (3,320+ variables including interaction terms). Examined both legislator mechanism effects and median voter mechanism effects separately. Limited probability model with heteroscedasticity-strong standard errors.

PDF or DOI

Free PDF

Why it matters

Expressive voting in federal systems has spillover consequences across jurisdictions. Understanding that symbolic policy decisions are driven primarily by legislator ideology and party rather than constituent demand has consequences for how we interpret political representation, regulatory federalism, and the role of special interests in policymaking.